Alison Wilson, BBC Executive Complaints Unit responds to allegations
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Alison Wilson responds to a request for comment about allegations of the BBC's complicity in corruption.
View Legal Notices
Alison Wilson responds to a request for comment about allegations of the BBC's complicity in corruption.
View Legal Notices
I am publishing this blog to expose corruption within public institutions in South East Wales, and I'm willing to put my money where my mouth is in order to do it.
The UK has some of the clearest defamation and libel regulations in the world. If anything that I write here is incorrect, the people I intend to call out can - and definitely should - get me into court, have the record set straight, and make me pay for my badmouthing.
I am doing this knowing there will be a big cost for me personally, and for the people I care about. But doing it anyway is the only way I can protect them and honour their astounding bravery and unwavering support.
At its simplest, this is about the dangers of the "buddy" networks that permeate public life in South Wales. They used to be called "Old boys' clubs", and the term sums it up pretty well. But today, technology has been thrown into the mix with self-served interests and well-placed connections, and has produced a political monster more powerful and less accountable than anything I could have imagined.
Admittedly, my experiences are not going to be commonplace. But some of the issues involved have the potential to affect many in the borough, and to an extent, in the country. And I hope, at the very least, to show how little oversight is in place to protect everybody, whatever the individual circumstances.
This all began when I questioned what I felt had been irregularities in how the social housing stock had been transferred from Torfaen County Borough Council to Bron Afon Community Housing, and that widespread breaches of tenants' rights by the housing association were taking place which in some cases were subject to oversight by the local authority but were not being properly investigated.
Ineffective local government in of itself, if not unexpected, isn't that interesting. But, as I will detail in the posts that follow, the extent to which old colleagues have been prepared to go in order to protect one another from accountability - being willing to commit criminal offences and to use public resources to cover those offences up - is in everyone's interest.
In the coming weeks, I will use this blog to publish the story of how:
There will always be connections between people in public life. There isn't an inherent problem with that because most organisations have conflict of interest measures that stop problems occurring.
In my case, these measures have failed, and I can prove that in some cases, have been flagrantly disregarded. The seriousness of matters as I have described them comes from a shared technological platform through which electronic documented evidence is processed and is at risk - as I intend to demonstrate - of being tampered with. The organisations involved know this to be true and wouldn't have acted the way they have had it not been for their confidence in the technology to shield them. They couldn't have acted in this way had it not been for the regional deployment of technologies that makes it easier for powerful individuals to network with each other, and that protects them from any kind of meaningful scrutiny.
It is important to understand that the IT systems of Torfaen County Borough Council and Gwent Police, as well as those of Monmouthshire County Council and other public bodies not connected to the matters described in this blog, are all physically connected. Parts of the Welsh Government IT systems depend on the OneWales Azure cloud service. Shared Resource Services Business Solutions Limited (SRS) operates it all. SRS has already faced investigation of matters of integrity and mismanagement, and perhaps unsurprisingly it has been - and is - almost entirely controlled by officers and councillors connected to individuals who feature in these allegations.
Since publishing this part of Corruption Valley on April 28th, a very helpful reader contacted me to suggest that I take another look at how SRS is organised...
SRS Public Services is a public sector collaboration between TCBC, Monmouthshire County Council and Gwent Police, and subsequently joined by Blaenau Gwent and Newport Councils, designed to deliver public sector service integration in the provision of information and communication technology services.
SRS Business Services, the SRS Business Solutions Limited referred to previously, is a trading company limited by share capital and wholly owned by TCBC and MCC that sells surplus capacity to the private sector.
I'd suggest you take a look at SRS Public Services' website, at www.srswales.com, but in the time Corruption Valley has been online, the website has not been operational.
I know because I've been searching relentlessly to find out more about how it's run. There are some snippets left over in search engine caches, and a few industry press pieces floating around the web, but nothing directly from SRS.
As mentioned previously, there are a number of news stories about the criminal trial of a senior director from a while back. There are old news stories about unaccounted-for six-figure gaps in the books being plugged with tax money, and stories about staff redundancies after rounds of funding. Like I wrote earlier, SRS is plagued with a history of integrity issues and mismanagement.
On July 22nd, 2015 for example, the TCBC Audit Committee took a look at the Wales Audit Office Review of the SRS. Alison Ward, then the Council's Chief Executive in response to the review, cited the "visionary leadership" and the "huge injection of money [that] would help transform Blaenavon to become a national centre for ICT" as positives drawn from the document. Councillor Graham Smith made somewhat different observations, noting that he felt "it was the single most damning document he had read in the seven years he had been a Councillor", and that "the truth about the trial of the Senior Director should be stated".
In that Committee paper, I learnt that at that date, all SRS staff were TCBC employees, and that Governance was provided by Gwent Police. What was it I had said? "...almost entirely controlled by officers and councillors connected to individuals who feature in these allegations..."? You don't know the half of it, yet!
So, why is it so hard to find documentation from SRS? Well, aside from the website - including its dedicated Governance section - being currently unavailable to the public, are the papers not hosted on one of the collaborating bodies' own websites? After all, the issue of scrutiny did come up an awful lot in the Wales Audit Office Review.
It turns out that TCBC host all the board papers on their website, just not on the area available to the public. Every SRS Board paper, every decision, every tax pound spent is available - to internal users only, on the SWOOP intranet section of the torfaen.gov.uk website.
Very public services, very private scrutiny.
SRS is run by three boards - the Strategic Board, the Finance and Governance Board, and the Business and Collaboration Board, and it's run by some very influential people: among others, there are elected Councillors, the Police and Crime Commissioner, the Chief Constable of Gwent Police, and alongside the SRS Chief Operating Officer on the Finance and Governance Board, the current TCBC Assistant Chief Executive (Resources), Nigel Aurelius. Keep a look out for that last name in upcoming posts...
Everyone has a fundamental right to privacy. Me, my family, even the individuals I'll be writing about. But I intend to prove that there is an unacceptable risk to everybody's privacy and other basic rights if the issues I'm raising aren't addressed. I am still, as I write this, reluctant to go ahead and publish, but in recent weeks, my hand has felt forced.
In careful consideration of the defamation and libel laws of the UK, and taking full responsibility for my decision to publish the following-
I, Nathan Young, of Hollybush, Cwmbran, hereby state publicly that you
I'd like to call out a few more people, like the then acting Executive Headteacher at my child's school, but 15 separate potential legal cases is enough for now.
I want to point out that every person named above has my contact details and if there is any sense that what has been published is untrue, then anybody reading can reasonably expect to see this blog or the named individual's social media accounts updated with news of 15 actual legal cases coming my way. If it's not true, why wouldn't they?
To hell with it - Elizabeth Thomas, Associate Head Teacher and Governor of The Federation of Blenheim Road Community and Coed Eva Primary Schools, you are corrupt, too.
In the interest of fairness, I intend on making the individuals and organisations involved aware of this publication. If it were me being made the subject of such a story then I would expect the chance to defend myself. So long as they do not object, and except to the extent that I am prevented to do so by law, I will make sure their responses are published.
I'm also going to bring the blog to the attention of local and national news publishers. I don't expect anybody to take up the story on face value alone, but claims such as those I have made should be scrutinised just as much as the alleged actions I've written about. If nobody wants to take up either issue, you should ask yourself why not.
Many of the individuals I've written about, either as elected officials or public body employees have a duty to uphold certain values. Whether bound by the Nolan Principles of Public Life or by ethics clauses in employment contracts such as those used by TCBC, some of them should have already reported these matters. Some have had mandatory obligations to report the matters to regulators such as the Charity Commission. Where I think it is appropriate, I will inform relevant third party groups and individuals of my claims. I hope too that, as in the private sector, reputation by association matters in the public sector in South Wales. Where appropriate, I will inform partner organisations of the blog's subject matter for their consideration.
I'm going to ask people to share this story, to ask that you consider the seriousness of these claims, and that you seek accountability. All but one of the organisations I have named is run with your money, either directly through taxation or by grants funded through taxation. Any cover ups have been paid for with your money, too. And if I'm lying, then the lifes' work of decent and honest public servants is being tarnished by the wild claims of some no good hoody behind a keyboard. I hope neither is acceptable to you.
I need to prepare for retaliation and personal comebacks. The primary reason for my hesitance to make this public earlier is because it is inevitable that some uncomfortable truths about my past will be disclosed and used to question my credibility. I can and will account for every one of my decisions regardless of the cost to me personally - to quote Floyd Mayweather "my past is my past". It should never cost my wife or child, or the people who care about them.
Subject to the conditions of any forthcoming injunctions - again, if what I am writing is untrue, why not stop me writing more? - in Part Two, I will detail the relationships between TCBC and Bron Afon, and explain how the organisational structures in place stifles oversight, how data protection laws can not protect people dependent on the two organisations for essential services, and how the Welsh Government's regulatory framework hardly discourages conflicts of interest between local authorities and registered social landlords.